To silence critical media,
“Georgian Dream” tries to use financial sanctions. Following several
television, online and radio broadcasters, regional media have now also been
affected. The practical consequences of financial pressure are already taking
an irreversible form. In 2025, 17 regional broadcasters ceased operations. A
particularly alarming manifestation of this process is the suspension of
broadcasting by “Hereti” TV and “Radio Tbilisi”, which is directly linked to a
decline in advertising revenues and the financial barriers faced by independent
media outlets.
The state uses tax
measures selectively against critical media. A clear expression of this approach is the potential
suspension of broadcasting by TV “Trialeti”, which served as a
key platform for independent editorial policy and an alternative agenda in
Shida Kartli. While large broadcasters close to the authorities (for
example, “Rustavi 2”) are allowed to restructure multi-million tax debts, the
enforcement measures applied to a regional television company over a debt 50
times smaller, including seizure and freezing of assets, have
resulted in the complete paralysis of broadcasting. This fact exposes
the use of tax instruments as a mechanism of political repression, which
directly threatens media pluralism in the regions.
A clear example of the use of state tax instruments on the basis of
editorial orientation is the write-off of
tax arrears for pro-government broadcasters, while critical media outlets such
as “Formula” and “TV Pirveli” have had their property frozen by
court order. This clearly constitutes a documented form of selective justice
and politically motivated financial repression.
As a result of such
pressure, “Mtavari Arkhi”, one of the country’s main critical broadcasting outlets, has
ultimately ceased operations. Meanwhile, TV companies “Formula” and “TV
Pirveli” are facing an immediate risk of functional shutdown. According to
a principle established in the case-law of the European Court of
Human Rights (Manole v. Moldova; Informationsverein Lentia v. Austria), the
closure of any media outlet constitutes a separate and irreparable breach of
the State’s positive obligations in relation to media freedom.
A worrying trend is
emerging in relation to the Communications Commission’s introduction of content
control. The Commission no longer limits itself to general recommendations
and has moved into a direct sanctioning regime, where the subjective
interpretation of the “impartiality” standard is used as a punitive
tool. In particular, the use of publicly acknowledged facts or established
terms such as “oligarch” or “regime” has become grounds for financial
penalties and legal proceedings. This practice exposes an attempt by
the Commission to fully control broadcasting terminology, bearing the
characteristics of classical censorship and aiming at the functional paralysis
of critical media.
The legislative package
adopted on 4 March 2026 represents the logical culmination of the state’s
confrontation with critical media. It turns an alternative source of funding —
international financing — into a criminal liability risk, which critical
media outlets had previously relied upon for survival after being pushed
out of the advertising market. This situation exposes a clear attempt by
the state to establish a monopoly over the information space.
A consistent policy that begins with economic erosion, continues through criminalisation, and ultimately leads to the functional institutional paralysis and dismantling of critical media.
It is noteworthy that
economic censorship is not limited to the television sector. State pressure
on online media is being applied through different but equally effective
instruments. Monitoring of critical content on social media platforms, together
with the obligation for online outlets to register under the “transparency
law”, collectively creates an environment in which self-censorship becomes
a natural outcome of institutional pressure.
The Democracy Research
Institute (DRI) calls for:
It addresses international
organisations and institutions:
აფხაზეთის პოლიტიკურ
სივრცეში აქტიურად განიხილება ოპოზიციონერი ლიდერის, ადგურ არძინბას დაბრუნება და მისი
ბოლო პოლიტიკური განცხადებები, რომლებიც შიდა და გარე პოლიტიკურ პროცესებს ეხება.
The case of
former de facto deputies of South Ossetia’s de facto parliament, David Sanakoyev,
Garry Muldarov and Dzambolat Medoyev, who are appealing the decision to revoke
their citizenship of the Russian Federation, remains unresolved to date.
Issuance of movement permits, required for travel within and beyond Akhalgori district, has been resumed.